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List abstracts 2nd non western fashion conference

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List of Abstracts 2nd non western fashion conference, Constructing National Identity Through Fashion London College of Fashion, UK 21-22 November 2013

ABSTRACTS

THURSDAY, 21st NOVEMBER

Fashion-ology  Part II: Constructing  A Theory  of Non-Western  Fashion/Dress

Yuniya Kawamura

Fashion can be theoretically analyzed as a concept, phenomenon or system among many others, but however fashion is examined, it is often taken granted that we are talking about Western fashion and not non-Western  fashion or ethnic dress. In my book “Fashion-ology”, I made an attempt to theorize fashion as a system and used Japanese designers in Paris as a case study to explain their entry process into the fashion system, which exists in the West. According to Joanne Eicher et al in their article  “Eurocentrism  in  the  Study  of  Ethnic  Dress”  (1993),  fashion  and  Western dress have enjoyed privileged positions, and less attention is paid to ethnic dress. Furthermore,   they   explain   that   European   aesthetic   standards   and   European perceptions   of  clothing   were   applied   when   representing   non-Western   modes. Western  dress  was  considered  as  a  visible  symbol  of  civilization  and  cultural superiority. Thus, fashion professionals, such as academics and museum curators, often  focus  on  Western  fashion/dress  that  is  more  complex  and  intricate  and therefore,  are believed  to be more  worthy  of serious  considerations.  We need  to erase  a  mechanism  of  hierarchy  between  superiority  and  inferiority  in  various categories of fashion/dress. While classical theories of fashion proposed by scholars, such as Georg Simmel and Thornstein Veblen, elaborated on the concept of fashion, i.e. Western  fashion,  I make an attempt  to explore  whether  non-Western fashion/dress can be or should be theorized in the same way that Western fashion has  been  theorized,  and  if  it  is  at  all  possible  to  construct  a  theory  /theories exclusively applicable to non-Western fashion/dress.

 

Fabulous   Fashions,   Dress   History   Dilemmas,   and   the   Death   Throes   of

Dichotomy:  Fashion Stories, Ethnicity and Geography Sarah Cheang

 

The term ‘non-western’ is founded on dichotomy. Used to qualify the word ‘fashion’,

‘non-western’  implies  that  a  series  of  west/non-west  relations  alters  our understanding  of what fashion  can be. Some  form  of difference  is also inscribed between  ‘western  fashion’  and ‘non-western  fashion’. How  can such  meta- geographical concepts of west and non-west be mapped onto a spinning globe, especially   in  relation   to  fashion’s   multiple   cultural   systems,   global  flows  and cosmopolitan associations? This paper interrogates some aspects of understanding ‘non-western fashion’, by focussing on issues of taxonomy, cultural heritage, textile history, fashion and national identity. Fashion historiography and the notion of story telling are used to consider the potential of fashion as a vehicle for communicating geography  (telling  stories  of  the  land)  and  ethnicity  (telling  stories  of  a  shared culture).  In  tracking  stories  of  western  and  non-western  fashion  heritage  across India, China and Europe, and from the 19th century to the present day, this paper offers reflections on the possibilities and pitfalls of using ‘non-western fashion’ as a critical term.

 

SESSION 1A: (RE)INVENTING NATIONAL FASHION IDENTITIES I

 

Old   Motifs   for  New   Motives:   Looking   for  the   Roots   of  Change   in  the

Contemporary Cambodian Fashion Scene Katalin Medvedev

 

Although literature on emerging Asian fashion centers abounds, Cambodia’s fashion scene  has rarely  been  discussed  in fashion  scholarship  [1]. This is surprising,  at least,  for  two  reasons:  First,  Cambodia  is  a  major  producer  of  Western  fashion products [2]. Second, because of Cambodia’s turbulent past, especially the Khmer Rouge  genocide  and  a  huge  HIV/AIDS   epidemic  following  it,  the  majority  of Cambodia’s population is young [3] and belongs to the age group that is of interest to the global fashion industry and scholars. Cambodian youth craves fashion because they  are  intimately  familiar  with  handling  Western  fashion  products  as  factory workers [4] and because, as other young people across the globe, they are in the process of establishing their personal identity in which fashion plays a dominant role. Cambodian  urban  youth  [5]  are  also  exposed  to  Western  styles  through  their exchanges  with  the thousands  of tourists  that  visit  Angkor  Wat,  one  of the most visited tourist destinations in the world. Given this, several questions arise: What will Cambodia’s fashion scene look like in the future? Will it continue to remain a fashion periphery, despite the fact that the means of fashion production and attendant professional  skills  are  already  available  in  the  country?  Will  Cambodian  fashion continue to slavishly emulate Korean street styles in cheap versions or put its own spin on those Korean styles? [6] Or will Cambodian fashion choose to follow other Asian-inspired  Western  styles,  currently  only  available  in  a  handful  of  upscale boutiques?   Or,  with   the   stabilization   of  the   country’s   political   and   economic environment, will Cambodia try to revive its lost textile and fashion traditions as part of restoring its national culture? In doing so, will they try to recreate the traditional textures, complicated patterns and colors like deep purple and orange that they used to be known for among the world’s textile aficionados? [7] Is it even possible to revive the traditional methods of production, colors and motifs considering that Cambodia’s once  world  famous  textile  traditions  and  fashions  disappeared  during  the devastations of the Khmer Rouge? [8] Today Cambodian fashion/textile production is clearly  at  a  crossroads.  Cambodia  can  remain  for  the  foreseeable  future  only  a producer of fashion products [9], or it can make its mark by restoring its once famous fashion  and  textile  traditions.  This  paper,  which  is  based  on  field  research  in Cambodia, introduces one attempt at the latter. It describes the work that is currently going on at the Institute of Khmer Traditional  Textiles (IKTT), located in the Siem Reap  region.  The  textiles  that  are  produced  at  IKTT  meticulously  follow  ancient traditions,  which  mean  that  the  production  process  is  very  labor  intensive  and expensive.  It appears that Cambodia’s growing middle class, increasing numbers of tourists  with  refined  tastes,  and  global  textile  aficionados  appreciate  their  work because of their exclusivity and high quality. My paper argues that organizations like the IKTT can be the first step in creating genuine Cambodian  fashion, as fashion always references the past to create new styles.

Notes:  [1]  Exceptions  are  Medvedev,  2010  and  Medvedev  and  Reef,  2013;  [2]

Fashion production is the country’s number one industry, providing 90 percent of Cambodia’s total export value (Better Factories Cambodia, 2011); [3] 53 percent of the entire population is under 24 years of age. 37 percent is between 25-54 years of age  and  the  rest  are  above  55  (Cambodia  Demographic  Profile,  2013);  [4]  An estimated  1.7  million  people  are  employed  in  aspects  of  garment  production  in Cambodia (World Bank, 2007); [5] Because work is available in urban areas there has been massive migration to the cities. Dress plays an important role in the lives of migrants. Traditional dress is often exchanged for more urban styles in order to fit in; [6] There are several impediments to the development of a local fashion scene. The majority of Cambodians lives in deep poverty and has no money except for bare necessities.  There is no current fashion design training. People are uneducated and few people have any cultural capital, although changes are taking place; [7] After the devastations of the Khmer Rouge, barely any ancient textiles remained in Cambodia - no more than 400 pieces are currently in the National Museum. At the same time, there is a substantial Cambodian textile collection at the Smithsonian and also some in private collections. Cambodian textiles were made of yellow silk, which is softer to the touch  and  shinier  than  Chinese  silks  Westerners  are  mostly  familiar  with;  [8] There  are  several  reasons  for  this:  a)  the  Khmer  Rouge  considered  fashion  a bourgeois enterprise and as such it had to be eliminated; b) fashion is generally an urban phenomenon and therefore it had no place in a peasant-communist regime the Khmer Rouge wanted  to establish;  c) Cambodian  fashion  used to carry a French imprint, which was a result of Cambodia’s colonial past, which had to be eradicated; d)   Cambodia’s   textile   traditions   were   not   documented   for   posterity   because traditional skills and knowledge were historically passed down orally between generations and thus perished with the killing of master weavers and the destruction of Cambodia’s traditional weaving villages; [9] There is some likelihood for this considering  that  Cambodia  is  one  of  the  world’s  poorest  countries  and  thus  it perfectly fits the global fashion industry’s race to the bottom profile.

 

The  New  Shanghai  Xiaojie:  Chinese  Fashion  Identities  Natascha  Radclyffe- Thomas and Babette Radclyffe-Thomas

 

The whole brand is like a presentation of myself. The Chinese part is from my blood and  the  European/Western  influence  is  from  what  I’m  experiencing  …’  (Huishan Zhang, 2012). The Shanghai Xiaojie (海小姐) or Shanghai Miss was a constructed female fashion identity that represented modernity in 1920s/30s China. Fostered in the cosmopolitan metropolis of Shanghai she reflected the country’s socio-cultural changes (Fenby, 2009; Ko, 1999). Her iconic image was rekindled in the 1990s becoming  a  powerful  symbol  for  nostalgic  merchandising,  employed  by  fashion brands such as Shanghai Tang as an indicator of heritage and cultural authenticity, (Ko, 1999:147-148).  The twenty-first  century fashion industry is increasingly international  yet there is no consensus  on whether  globalisation  inevitably homogenises   cultural   experiences   (Levitt,   1983)   or   allows   for   heterogeneity (Kapferer, 2005). New generations of Chinese working in the fashion industry are creating diverse fashion identities however whilst fashion designers such as Vivienne Westwood  and Jean Paul Gaultier  scour the globe for exotic inspirations  and are hailed as creative forces, the work of non-Western designers is often excluded from the  contemporary,  their  designs  interpreted  as  culturally  rather  than  individually- based (Kondo, 2010). Undoubtedly when cultural symbols (e.g. the qipao or dragon) are represented there is a risk of culturally essentialist interpretations  (Tsui, 2010). As we experience the development of both global and local cultures (Cowen, 2002), the  extension  of  media  access  and  cross-cultural  exchanges  in  education  and industry make it increasingly difficult to separate out cultural influences on creativity (Lubart, 1999). My own research reveals how a new generation of fashion students are embracing their cultural heritage and enjoy transposing it against the more traditionally  disseminated  (Western)  models  of  fashion  (Radclyffe-Thomas,  2011). Using  a  series  of  key  Chinese  creatives  working  across  the  fashion  industry- including models, journalists, stylists, photographers and designers- this paper traces the development of twenty-first century Chinese fashion identities to illuminate discussions about national identities in fashion and to put the Middle Kingdom back at the centre of the fashion map.

 

Rise of the Neo-Drape: Redefining the Fashion Identity of India Swati Rao and

Shalini Sud

A sari is synonymous to India and is woven into its identity; it is eternal to its culture and traditions. A sari has been a connotation and a reflection of India's cultural productions  in  the  past  and  till  the  present  day.  With  every  changing  regional boundary, the drape, aesthetics, fabric, motif, pattern of the sari changes, each style being distinct and unique from the rest at the same time reflecting the cultural asset of the region/ culture. The powerful drape that the sari has been is evident through its personification of the Indian identity, as it reflects and adorns each and every change whether social, economic or political. A sari could be noted as a symbolic indicator of the progressive nature of India. With the Western fashions and dynamic silhouettes that are more prevalent and popular with the Indian youth, the sari seemed to be pushed back and was considered as old school or only for occasional wear. Hence the powerful drape was restricted  by the limitations  of it not being as fashionable when compared  to blue denim or a tunic. Off-lately  it has been observed that the Indian designers are making efforts to reintroduce and reinvent the sartorial sari to make it into a more meaningful in the current context and dynamic garment for the modern Indian youth. Young Indian designers are making efforts of producing unique modern  day reflections  of the Indian  sari while retaining  the heritage  and cultural values through its traditional textiles, motifs and crafts. The reinvention of the sari is definitely the reflection of the modern, more culturally rooted youth. Not only have Indian   designers   realised the   impact   of   the   powerful   drape,   the   Western interpretation of the drape has also led to creation of

 

SESSION 1B: (RE)INVENTING NATIONAL FASHION IDENTITIES II

 

Japanese   Fashion   Education   and  the  Creation   of  a  New  Generation   of

Designers Anneke Beerkens

 

Bunka Gakuen, one of Japan's most prestigious fashion schools, started about 90 years ago as the first Japanese institute devoted to teaching Western dress making. The institute proudly celebrates its status as producer of globally famous Japanese designers  like Kenzo Takada, Junya Watanabe  and Yohji Yamamoto  and attracts thousands of students dreaming of a career in the fashion industry. More and more international students (most of whom Asian) choose to study at Bunka, apparently a guarantee for a "glamorous" future in fashion. Since the shock that Japanese fashion designers caused on the Parisian runways in the 1970s and 1980s, the international fashion world has agreed upon the fact that Japanese fashion has long passed the label  "traditional."  Rather,  it  is  viewed  as  one  of  the  most  progressive  fashion countries in the world. However, a closer look at didactic practices at Bunka Gakuen and the struggle young designers  encounter  when starting their career within and outside of Japan, shows us that both progression and stagnation are at stake - with conflicting interests between different actors. Young people are stuck between the expectations of older generations and the reality of working in the fashion industry. Whereas teachers tend to stress "Japaneseness" as the distinguishing feature and quality of their graduates  and current students,  the young designers  themselves  - many of whom are not Japanese -encounter not just advantages from this focus on Japan. My longitudinal ethnographic project investigates Bunka's position within the fashion world, its students' daily lives in- and outside of school, their future dreams as well as alumni's  realities  in the (inter)national  industry.  Through  analytical consideration of fieldwork data, I want to discuss how Japanese fashion education ensures a cultural distinguished construction of creativity and how starting fashion designers in Japan try to navigate internationalization, personal identity and "Japaneseness" in fashion.

 

Return to Our Forefathers’ Glory? Fashion and Identity Politics Among Ultra- Orthodox Mizrahi Jews in Israel Moshe Levy

 

In the 1980s a social and political movement named “Shas” was established. This movement  sought to represent  the Jews who immigrated  to Israel from Arab and Muslim countries (Mizrahim) and suffered oppression and discrimination by the Ashkenazi Zionist establishment (Jews of European descent.) One of the key tasks defined by Shas leadership was to "Return to our forefathers’ glory." Shas wished to protest against the Zionist attempt to erase the oriental cultural heritage and lifestyle of the Mizrahi Jews. As an alternative, the movement sought to revert to the past and rebuild,  through  cultural,  educational  and  communication  institutions,  the  Mizrahi cultural tradition. This turn toward the past was also reflected in its spiritual leaders' attire,  who  wore  traditional  gowns  and  hats.  However,  the  movement’s  all  male political leaders as well as thousands of activists adopted a dress-code that was designed   in   the   early   19th   century   in   Europe   by   Ashkenazi   ultra-Orthodox communities. This style which is identified with the oppressive Ashkenazi community, included  black  suits  and  broad  black  hats,  detached  from  any  real  or  imagined history of the Jewish communities  living in Asia and North Africa. This article will conduct a post-colonial analysis to examine the tension between the Shas’ desire to promote  traditional  Mizrahi  culture  and  the  choice  of a clearly  European  clothing style. This analysis will argue that this choice wishes to obscure or conceal any sign that may be reminiscent of the Arab characteristics of the Mizrahi Jews and thus reconfirms  the European  Zionist colonialist  logic that places the "modern” and the “Jew" in a contradictory  and exclusive identity category to the “traditional”  and the “Arab.”

 

SESSION 1C: A REVIVAL OF TRADITIONAL DRESS

 

Cool Biz and Sumptuary Regulations in Japan Toby Slade

 

With  the  sudden  energy  crisis  in  Japan,  precipitated  by  the  11th   March  2011 earthquake, tsunami and nuclear meltdown, the reliance on artificial air-conditioned environments   was   abruptly   made   untenable   and   in   response   the   Japanese government  tried  something  that  it not done  since  the  war;  sumptuary  regulation (albeit  in  the  form  of  a  national  guilt  campaign).  The  male  suit,  which  had  long enjoyed a sovereignty over business fashion in Japan, which far greater than in its countries of origin, was all at once in jeopardy and issues of practicality in fashion brought to the fore. The suit was the supreme  example  of an essentially  western fashion adopted so completely by a non-western nation and made its own, born from Japan's absolute insistence that it was equal with the potentially colonising western powers of the mid-eighteenth century. Now, with varying degrees of success the Japanese state sought to break lifelong male dress habits. This initiative was soon followed  by  a  wave  of  fashion  innovations  designed  to  capitalize  on  the  sudden insecurity the Japanese salary-man faced when he dressed for work. In the three summers following the crisis an entirely new fashion boom has occurred featuring revivals of traditional Japanese dress, wonderful hybrids and ingenious new forms. This paper will examine what is at stake in this state lead fashion crisis. It will cover the  history  of  sumptuary  regulation  in  Japan,  from  class-appropriate  fabrics  and colours of the Edo period, to austerity measures during the war, up to the campaigns of'Cool-Biz' and 'SuperCool Biz'. It will also examine the relationship of fashion to practicality, noting that fashion was never a phenomenon based in utility and logic of state regulation seems to fundamentally misunderstand this.

 

Wrapped in Cloth Sharon Peoples

 

In Canberra on 13th February 2008 Ngunnawal Elder, Matilda House, regaled in a possum  skin  cloak,  welcomed  all  assembled  on  Ngunnawal  land  to  witness  the Apology to the Stolen Generation at the opening of the 42nd sitting of the Australian Parliament.  Such  hope  was  invested  in  the  day  and  the  full  repercussions  are perhaps yet to be felt. One of the stylistic consequences of postcolonialism has been the global invigoration of ethnic/traditional dress and, in Australia, recognising that Indigenous culture is both innovative and is a continuing tradition, this has arguably opened the potential for a dynamic challenge to Western ceremonial dress practices through  the  wearing  of  possum  skin  cloaks  at  such  a  traditional  event. While ceremonial dress may seem removed from the day to day fashion industry, what has spawned is a slow growing Indigenous fashion industry that now runs an Indigenous Fashion Week. It has the usual key actors, such as the (Indigenous) supermodel, the (Indigenous) star designers and (Indigenous) celebrities that promote (Indigenous) fashion. This  paper  focuses  on the ‘traditional’  versus  ‘tradition’  and  West  versus non- West. More particularly by using case studies such as, Ernabella Designs and Tiwi designs,  the paper  explores  how  the printed  fabric  cottage-industry  that  has been the bedrock of contemporary Indigenous fashion and has been the springboard for the industry. Balancing between using traditional motifs ascribed to individual Indigenous people and the demands of commercial ventures has been fraught with complexities.

 

SESSION 2A: ABOUT CONSUMPTION

 

Investigating  Consumer  Perception  of  Western  Retail  Models  in  Bangalore, India: An Explorative Study on Concept Stores Unita Chandan and Anna Lottersberger

 

The purpose of this study is to investigate the attributes influencing the attractiveness of  a  Concept  Store  combining  a  Bar  in  a  Boutique,  in  the  city  of  Bangalore. Bangalore is a key shopping destination and the “Pub Capital” of India. It is ranked as the second most affluent city in India based on lifestyle and consumption patterns. Charmed by modernity, today’s Indian consumers welcome innovation, creativity and unconventionality.  Western  retail  concepts,  such  as  Shopping  Malls  and  Luxury Brand Flagship Stores, have been successfully adapted and introduced to the Indian market  and  new  opportunities  are  unfolding  for the  retail  sector  as well  as for a further development of the social drinking culture. Thus, this research examines the opportunity of launching the western model of the hybrid Boutiques in this constantly evolving  context.  Hence,  the  study  explores  the  perception  and  the  potential reception of the particular retail format of a Boutique-Bar in Bangalore. A quantitative research method was used in this study. A survey was administered to a population sample  of  female  respondents,  aged  over  21,  with  above  average  disposable income. A majority of the respondents gave a positive response towards the distinct marketing-mix of the Boutique-Bar, especially concerning the product, the price and the place strategy. Also, most of them agreed that the above original elements are significant drivers to appreciate this destination over the existing options. As it was expected, the successful western concept could emerge as a unique and valuable shopping experience also in Bangalore. However, further research also based on psychographic factors of the target audience might further elaborate on consumer behaviour.

 

Redressing the Fashion Sustainability Paradox in Hong Kong and China: An Examination of Tailor-made Promotional Practices Underpinning Sustainable Production,  Consumption  and  Post-Consumption   in  a  Non-Western  Frame Anne Peirson-Smith

 

Whilst  sustainable  production  and  consumption  practices  are  in  evidence  across Hong Kong and Asia Pacific in the creative industries and the fashion sector, these initiatives appear to be tentative and sporadic and are often driven by, or replicated from,   Western   practices.   In   an   industry   traditionally   based   on   change   and disposability,  ethical practices  of production  and consumption  are still a contested site in this region and issues of agency remain unclear. Equally, whilst consumers in Hong  Kong  and China  appear  to support  the concept  of sustainable  fashion,  the majority still buy non-ethically produced fast fashion garments at low price-points or global  luxury  brands.  Whilst  fashion  brands  have  introduced  green  labels  and rebranded  their  production  practices  in eco  terms,  these  have  been  criticised  for mere ‘green-washing’. Or, these promotional campaigns may be miscommunicating their  messages  as  these  are  often  misunderstood  or  misaligned  with  consumer values and national culture. This paper will investigate sustainable fashion projects in Hong Kong and China using social marketing techniques that tap into issues of nationhood and national culture to promote sustainability in the local fashion industry. The findings will be based on qualitative interviews using a case study format with a coalition  of  cultural  intermediaries  and  stakeholders  involved  in  the  sustainable fashion  movement  in  Hong  Kong  and  China,  such  as  fashion  designers,  fashion brands,  NGOs,  trade associations,  pressure  groups  and department  stores attempting  to  change  both  local  perceptions  and  behaviours  about  sustainable production  and  consumption  practices  in  the  fashion  industry  using  tailor-made, values-driven  social  communication  campaigns  based  on  fashion  shows, competitions,   exhibitions,   and   triggering   events.   The   paper   will   examine   the underlying rhetorical narratives and practices employed in creating and promoting sustainable fashion in terms of alignment with cultural value systems espoused by the Asian consumer, suggesting future directions for eco-fashion initiatives in non- Western places and spaces.

 

Identity during the First Years of the Turkish Republic: Fashion and Beauty In the Popular Women's Magazines of 1920s Özlem Dilber

 

This paper examines the relationship between modern fashion and the middle class woman’s identity during 1920s in Turkey. First of all, it will state that fashion was an important area where the post-war crises of femininity could be seen and the ideals of the Turkish woman’s new gender identity was both constructed and contested. It will also reveal in what ways, the relationship between fashion and the woman was represented  as a “necessity”  for the new woman’s  modern  identity  and a “threat” against the traditional gender roles and the national interests during this period. Secondly, it will put forward that in the second half of 1920s, the new consumption culture  and  the  commodification  of  beauty  strengthened  the  role  of  the  woman’s physical appearance in the construction of her collective and individual identities. In this  sense,  it  will  also  claim  that  Turkish  woman’s  three  different  identities  –the middle class family identity, the national identity and the individual identity- became prominent during different periods of 1920s but were constructed in relation to one another. Thirdly, toward the end of the 1920s, along with the replacement of the European  fashion  norms  with  the  USA’s  beauty  norms,  Turkish  woman’s  new femininity was defined in accordance with the eugenicist tendencies and policies of the new Republican regime. Finally, this study will accept 1920s as the first years of the commodification of beauty in Turkey with the proliferation of the mass media and the increasing circulation of the fashion and beauty images in the popular women’s magazines of the era. Primary sources of this study will be the popular women’s magazines of 1920s in Turkey, namely Süs (Ornament) (1923-1924) İnci/Yeni İnci (Pearl-New Pearl) (1919-1922) and Resimli Ay (The Illustrated Monthly) (1924-1931).

 

SESSION 2B: BRANDING NATIONAL IDENTITY

 

The Country-of-Origin-Effect  on a Domestic Fashion Market Joke Schrauwen & Anouk Mennes

 

One way of defining a brand can be the focus on its country of origin. This paper starts with the assumption  that on a domestic market, fashion labels can endorse their brand by the explicit use of a geographical annotation as e.g. a country or city of origin  (COO)  as caption  in their logo, and thus obtain  a USP  in regard  to other, global, brands. We unravel how this country/ city of origin endorsement can work for the Belgian fashion market. For this project, we studied five cases studies of Belgian brands in the middle market segment. We interviewed brand managers and shop keepers, directed questionnaires at potential consumers in multi brand stores and analyzed websites and documents in order to get a view on the deployment of the country/ city of origin in various communication channels as well as its underlying motivations and to get an indication of the consistency of the COO- and brand image with   consumers.   Research   results   show   that   a   country/city   of   origin   (c.q. Belgian/Antwerp/Brussels)   annotation  can  be  used  (1)  to  give  an  identity  and authenticity to the label by referring to its place of origin; (2) to connect the label to assumed  positive  product  features  of  Belgian/  Antwerp  fashion  (creativity  and quality);  (3) to appeal  to a latent  feeling  of ‘pride’  of consumers  at the  domestic market. Nonetheless, this ‘nationalist-effect’ doesn’t play a role in effective consumer behavior. Brand origin is for most consumers no argument to buy a piece of apparel. Based  on  our  market  survey  and  literature  study,  we  explain  where  the  positive connotations  for  the  annotation  ‘Belgian’  and  ‘Antwerp’  come  from.  This  study stresses the importance of a whole ecosystem of Belgian / Antwerp fashion where famous  independent  designers  and  academies  as  well  as  shopping  streets  and domestic media play their role.

 

Refashioning  Africanness  as  a  Lifestyle:  Vlisco  Fabrics  and  Wax  Cloth  in

Ghana Christine Delhaye and Rhoda Woets

 

Of central  concern  in our paper  is the commercial  and ideological  creation  of an ‘Afropolitan’ aesthetic by means of African wax cloth fabrics. We focus on two interrelated  topics:  the  cloth  designs  and  marketing  campaigns  of  Dutch  textile producer  Vlisco,  as well as fashion  designers  in Ghana  who  use  wax  cloth.  Our paper sheds light of the on-going entanglement  of the local and global in fashion- worlds and the creation of cultural authenticity at the nexus of textile and fashion.

Part I VLISCO: Wax textiles have been embedded in a long and complex history of economic   and   cultural   trafficking.   Originally   an   Indian   and   Chinese   product, subsequently widely practised and worn in Indonesia, imitated by Dutch and British companies, unsuccessfully brought back into the Indonesian market and ultimately successfully transferred to West-Africa where it became authenticated and seen as an  icon  of  ‘Africanness’.  Without  doubt,  the  wax  textile  is  part  and  parcel  of  a multifaceted process of economic and cultural encounters, contestations and hybridizations. From the second half of the 19the century the Dutch company Vlisco has played a key role in the production and dissemination of wax textiles in West and Central Africa. Last decade, not in the least because of the enormous influx of cheap Chinese imitation wax, Vlisco has launched a new strategy in which it transformed itself from textile-company  into a high fashion brand, targeted to the African upper and middle classes. In the first part of this paper we will try to gain insight, with the help  of  analyses  of  the  aesthetics  and  narratives  of  Vlisco  advertising  materials, which definitions of fashionability, beauty and Africanness this company creates and disseminates. How does the company merge the seemingly paradoxical oppositions of fashion, as constant renewal on the one hand and African ‘tradition’ on the other, and what do these definitions mean in terms of African and Afropolitan identities?  A second,   related,   paradox   that   we   will  analyse   is  the   way   Vlisco   unites   an understanding of (fashion) identity as both essentially African and cosmopolitan.

Part II The role of wax textile in Ghanaian fashion: In the second part of the paper we  will  focus  on  the  appropriation  of  wax  cloth  in  general,  and  Vlisco  textile  in specific,  amongst  consumers  as  well  as  designers  in  Ghana.  The  first  president Kwame Nkrumah stimulated local fashion to counter cultural alienation and create national pride. Exemplary is the long skirt with matching top (kaba and slit) that is customarily made from wax textile. The influence of national heritage discourses on the current fashion scene in capital city Accra is still visible. At the same time, fashion designers  in  Ghana  use    wax  fabrics  as  a  resource  in  styling  an  ‘Afropolitan’ aesthetic and beauty ideal that transcends national boundaries in seeking access to a global fashion world. This process is part and parcel of the liberalization and globalization of Ghana’s public arena, economic growth and the global fashioning of African culture as a consumer life style. We use wax cloth as a compelling window in analysing the relation between Ghanaian fashion, changing heritage formations and globalisation  in the  last  decade.  Textile  producer  Vlisco  and  Ghanaian  designers both redefine the old ‘tradition’ versus ‘modernity’ binary.  We conclude our paper by analysing how the two actors are interrelated: how do they influence, reinforce and, at times, oppose each other? And how does wax cloth(ing) relate to the broader and commercial process of a trans-national revitalization of African culture and ‘tradition’ in the global identity economy?

Why Africa? Why Now? The Designs of Ade Bakare Jean M. Borgatti

 

Ade Bakare’s designs featured in a Lagos (Nigeria) gallery’s retrospective exhibition of his work in June 2013. I was drawn less by his elegant sketches than by his use of historic  Yoruba  textiles  and  textile  design  techniques  to  complement  gowns  and dresses, less African in style than Western. Bakare was born and educated in the UK,  and  his  early  career  was  firmly  based  in  European  fashion.  He  provides excellent self-documentation through his website, press-cuttings, and a battery of sketchbooks. After graduating from Manchester University College, Bakare worked in London’s fashion industry from the early 1980s, establishing his own label in 1991. However, the first reference to Africa in his timeline does not occur until 2002, twenty years into his career. Since then he has developed an active relationship with the Nigerian world of high fashion.  He became the official designer for First Lady Stella Obasanjo in 2004, opened his Lagos boutique in 2006, and established the Young Designers  Creative  Competition  in 2007.   In this paper, I propose  to look at Ade Bakare in both his London and Lagos fashion worlds to explore the broadening of his fashion  identity  in  the  last  decade  to  reference  not  only  his  Nigerian  family background but his own Yoruba ethnicity. This paper will draw on Bakare’s archive of materials  as well as an in-depth  discussion  with him on his work and on his up- coming fashion show in London in August that is being sponsored by Nigeria’s Ogun State and that will feature his designs in adire, resist-dyed cloth.

 

SESSION 2C: THE SLIPPERY CONCEPT OF AUTHENTICITY

 

Ghanaian Fashion and the Interplay Between African and National Notions of

Heritage Malika Kraamer

 

The focus of this paper will be on the changing fashion systems in Ghana in the last ten years. It will look especially at the interplay of quintessential Ghanaian textiles, kente  cloths,  and  perceived  quintessential  African  clothes,  so-called  African  wax prints with its proper transnational 19th  and 20th  century history beyond Africa, in the production   and  marketing  of  local  fashion.  It  will  examine  how  contemporary Ghanaian fashion designers, such as Adoley Addo (JIL), Confidence Haugen (Konfidence)  and  Christie  Brown,  have  been  using  these  textiles  and  how  their creations  are  marketed  by  using  notions  of  heritage  interchangeable   between 'Ghanaian' and 'African'. This will be discussed against the backdrop of a changing use of kente and wax cloth in the 21st century. People continued  to use kente for special  occasions,  but  the  new  fashions  in kente  cloths  have  shown  a complete blending of kente traditions routed in different ethnic groups. The use of African wax cloths, with designs developed specifically for the Ghanaian market, has dramatically declined as daily wear fabrics and has also moved to the sphere of special occasions cloths. Following and expanding the work of Rabine, this paper will look at the ways that  the  Ghanaian  fashion  systems  not  only  challenges  the  dichotomy  between tradition and modernity, and between western forms and other forms of dress, but also how the whole notion of heritage and authenticity is used in ways that redefine colonial and neo-colonial meanings.

 

The Business of Constructing Female Identity Through Fashion in Uzbekistan

Emma Dick

 

I  am  interested  in  how  the  practice  of  fashion  and  textile  design  intersects  with notions  of  culture  and  capital  in  developing  economies,  and  the  relationships between   cultural   tourism,   non-governmental   agencies   and   global   markets   in establishing narratives about 'authentic' cultural production and the politics of style. This paper looks at the complex evolution of national identities in Uzbekistan through examining  representations  of female  dress practices  and in parallel  considers  the gender asymmetry  of the macro-structures  that govern the fashion systems of the region. Central Asia is one of the economically least-integrated regions of the world and there is considerable international support for further development of the region. Development  aid and cultural tourism  play significant  roles in the economy  of the region. Consequently, these sources of income and resulting inter-agency dialogues influence and interact with 'traditional' textile design and production techniques and potentially  generate  a  whole  new  design  vocabulary  for  communicating  national identity, that wavers between 'tradition' and 'modernity'. This supports the design and production of textiles, garments and portable souvenir products, which have a vital role  to  play  in  the  construction  and  communication  of  identities  internationally. Complex  hybrid  national,  trans-national,  and regional  identities  through  dress  and textiles are thus continually being constructed and communicated throughout Central Asia, in continual conversation with global value chains. Although women account for the majority of the workforce in fashion and textiles industries globally, a very small proportion of these women have any decision-making power in business. Thus the agency  of women  in structuring  their own dress practices  is highly complex.  This paper examines theories, practices and politics of the business of fashioning female identity in Central Asia and how these relationships govern ideas of identity, tradition and modernity for women in Uzbekistan.

 

The  shifting  interests  in  Sino-Italian  Fashion  Collaborations   Simona  Segre

Reinach

In the wake of her economic success, fashion has become a new accessory to China on both production and consumption level. The active exchange between the West and China stimulates production and consumption of a hybrid style which has form part of the identities of Chinese fashion, as pointed out in many recent works on contemporary  Chinese  fashion.  But  China  has  also  a  role  in  reshaping  Western fashion. If China's new role as a consumer is frequently underlined, as opposed to that of manufacturer, little has been written on how international fashion production in China  presents  ambivalences  right  from  the  manufacturing  stage.  China  has  a relevant role in determining global fashion. It is a complex process blurring the boundaries between Chinese and Western fashion systems, and disavowing essentialism on both sides. The paper deals with the specific relation between China and Italy in the process of "fashion making". It refers to a collaborative study (2002- 2010) in Cultural Anthropology on Sino-Italian joint ventures and other kind of work collaborations between Italian and Chinese in the textile and fashion field.

 

Forging  Contemporary  Muslim  Styles  Across  Intersecting  Fashion  Systems

Reina Lewis

This  paper  focuses  on  the  development  of  hijabi  fashions  among  young  Muslim women in Britain and North America as a form of youth subculture, examining how generational and micro-generational distinction is developed and expressed through participation  in  overlapping  mainstream  and  ‘ethnic’  fashion  systems.   In  Britain, hijabi fashionistas often assert their style as part of their British multicultural heritage despite that they are generally disregarded by the mainstream fashion industry. Supported and guided by the now well-established hijabi fashion mediation in Muslim lifestyle print magazines and online blogs and social media, hijab wearers engage in creative bricolage with high street offerings to forge modest styles. At the same time as wanting to assert the contemporaneity of religiously inspired dressing to the mainstream fashion industry and observer, for the majority South Asian Muslim population in Britain the products and styles of ‘ethnic’ fashion remain important wardrobe components.  This paper examines how the increase in religiosity among young Muslims in Britain is producing trends for head covering that disrupt the conventions of South Asian dress but that can often be accommodated within the co- production  typical  of South  Asian  diaspora  fashion  retail,  building  on practices  of fusion fashion developed since the 1990s. In a context where diaspora fashion consumption  is  embedded  in  forms  of  community  sociality  and  regulation,  the increasing style autonomy of second and third generation young women shoppers indicates changes in women’s social and economic status. Forging new versions of modest dressing that combine ‘traditional’ dress with contemporary hijabi modesty requirements styled in conjunction with global fashion, new trends in Muslim style refashion cultural heritages for of religion, ethnicity, region, and nation.

 

FRIDAY, 22nd NOVEMBER

 

Australian  Indigenous  Inspirations  in Contemporary  Fashion:  Scratching  the

Surface or Channeling the Country? Jennifer Craik

 

The  incorporation   of  Australian   indigenous   motifs  in  contemporary   fashion   in Australia is a long-standing but increasingly contested area. Some motifs such as stylised  boomerangs  and  kangaroos  are  regarded  as  generic  symbols  that  can generally be used but as art works are appropriated or modified for use in textiles (in particular) questions have been raised about the appropriateness of this use. There have been a number of media, public, copyright and legal challenges  which have raised  the  awareness  of  the  issue  but  not  definitively  resolved  it.  Despite  the introduction of Codes of Conduct and Certificates of Authenticity, the inspiration of indigenous motifs remains a contentious issue. This paper explores how the debate has  been  framed  and  developed  in  recent  years,  taking  as  its  starting  point  the writings of Margaret Maynard (1999, 2000, 2001). To give a contemporary flavour to the issue, I explore the work of non-indigenous designers who have engaged in extensive collaborations with indigenous artists and designers (notably the ongoing works of Linda Jackson, Jenny Kee, Peter Morrissey, Roopa Pemmaraju, and the Queensland  University  of Technology  Fashion  Incubator  AKIN  project)  and indigenous individuals or collectives who have developed a strong presence in the field  of  fashion  including  Bronwyn  Bancroft,  John  and  Ros  Moriarty  of  Balarinji Design Studio, Tiwi Design and Art, and Jimmy Pike’s licensed artwork for Desert Designs.   Reflecting   the   growth   and   maturation   of   indigenous   inspiration   in mainstream  fashion,  the  lead  up  to  the  inaugural  Australian  Indigenous  Fashion Week which will be held in Sydney in April 2014 will also be used as a case study. The  key question  posed  is to what extent  have indigenous  motifs  and aesthetics shaped  the  culture  of fashion  in Australia  and  the  expression  of national  identity through fashion?

 

Symbolic  Economies  of the Logo:   Contemporary  Senegalese  Streetwear  in

Historic Perspective Leslie Rabine

 

In order to produce their own Senegalese version of urban street wear, young graffiti artists create logos and brands.  In what appears simple imitation of U.S. mass- consumer lines, the artists create an original fashion within the Senegalese, fashion system.  Through their hand-made logos they resignify the mass-market logos and brands of U.S. corporations like Nike and The Gap. They aim to create a liberating identity for their generation and to declare independence from neo-colonialism. The graffiti  artist/designers  transform  the  mode  of  production,  the  meaning  and  the purpose  of the U.S.  corporate  logo.   Because  they had no models  for producing logos  on  clothing,  they  re-invented  the  production  process  through  a  self-taught odyssey of trial and error. They produce within the cherished, inherited values of artisanal creativity and pride in the ingenuity to create fabulous things with a dire lack of material resources.  The meaning of the logos, as pioneer graffiti artist Big Key says,  “reflects  daily  life.”    Artists  require  their  logos  to  embody  what  they  call  a “concept,” to convey a complex, socially conscious message.  As artists in a culture that  values  the  “aesthetic,”  they  believe  they  have  the  responsibility  to  lead  the younger generation to progressive action through their urban murals and their urban fashions.

 

SESSION 3A: FASHION POLITICS

 

Accessorized  with  Politics:  Alexey  Sorokin’s  Modern  Russian  Look  at  New

York Fashion Week Emma McClendon

 

Russia has always held a paradoxical position on the global stage - neither entirely "Western" nor "non-Western" both culturally and politically. Within fashion, certain elements  such as large fur hats have taken  on a stereotypical  role for designers creating "Russian" themed collections. In recent years, however, there has been a growing interest in Russia's own fashion output, with many Russian organizations working  to  foster  and  solidify  a  modern  fashion  identity  for  the  nation  and  its burgeoning designers. In keeping with this initiative, DEPESHA, the self-proclaimed "Russian expatriate culture magazine at the intersection of fashion, art, literature, and modernity" based in New York, has started holding previews of work by Russian designers during the biannual New York fashion weeks. In September 2012, this presentation featured Alexey Sorokin's S/S 2013 collection for his label Homo Consommatus.  Although these DEPESHA  presentations  are intriguing in their own right  for  their  use  of  New  York  as  a  platform  to  promote  Russian  fashion,  the presentation of Alexey Sorokin's work is particularly interesting. The concept notes for this collection cited futuristic influences of a post-Earth vision of humanity and fashion. But clad in balaclava-like head coverings, the models immediately evoked associations  with  members  of  the  Russian  band  Pussy  Riot,  who  gained  global attention in February 2012 for a protest they held against Russian president Vladimir Putin while wearing brightly colored balaclavas. Sorokin's head coverings were not part  of  the  look-book  for  this  collection  -  they  were  specific  to  the  New  York presentation,  suggesting  their  significance  in  Sorokin's  marketing  strategy  at  his debut to the Western fashion world. Taking this event as its focus, this paper will analyze Alexey Sorokin's engagement with contemporary politics to create a modern Russian identity in his work. To do this, the paper will look at the dynamic among Sorokin's aesthetic, concept, and physical presentation. The goal of this will be to present a case study that suggests the multifaceted ways designers are attempting to  move  away  from  cliched  notions  of  identity  and  re-appropriate  their  national

heritage in the 21st century.

 

Re-Traditionalisation,  Competition or Aided Warfare? Interrogating the Drivers of Western and Local Fashion Among Female Students in Two Nigerian Universities Irene Pogoson

 

Nigerian universities have come to represent a place where Western and traditional fashion  frequently  interact.  Though  the  manifestations   of  this  “interaction”   are multiple  (in  terms  of  competition,  acculturation,  collaborations  and  even  conflict), factors   such   as   globalization,   government,   university   authorities,   the   media, individuals,  and  religious  groups  have  increasingly,  served  as  drivers.  Acting  as drivers,  not  only  do  these  factors  influence  and  sometimes  determine  what  is fashionable in support of one of the two, but there is a growing trend where some of these factors have forcefully determined what is acceptable or unacceptable in the university.  This  paper  locates  the  contestations  between  Western  and  traditional fashion  in  terms  of  re-traditionalisation,  competition  and/or  aided  warfare  among female  students   of  two  public  Nigerian   Universities:   University   of  Lagos  and University  of  Ibadan,  and  two  private  universities,  Babcock  and  Covenant.  Also, based on an examination of these emerging trends among female students at the selected universities, the paper engages two interrelated questions: What are the representations  of these factors  (drivers)  in Nigerian  universities?  And second,  to what extent is the contestation between Western and local fashion on university campuses in Nigeria determined or influenced by these drivers? To engage these questions,  a  number  of  In-depth  Interviews  (IDIs)  and  Focus  Group  Discussions (FGDs) on fashion on four Nigerian University Campuses were undertaken to get responses from relevant stakeholders.

 

To Die For: Fashion and the Indigenous Sandra Niessen

 

Much  has  been  written  about  the  relationship  between  emerging  non-Western (centres)   of  fashion   and  dominant   global  fashion.   In  the  examination   of  the construction of national identity in fashion there is less focus on the relationship with the tribal.  What happens when fashion designers use the tribal as a marketing tool and source of inspiration? How does that ‘traditional identity’ by which ‘non-Western fashion’  is  characterized   relate  to  the  traditional?   In  Indonesia,   local  fashion expressions inspired by the traditional dress of the Batak people of Sumatra are expanding and applauded while traditional textile production and the ‘look’ on which it is based is dying out. Batak fashion is eating its own tail. Fashion   expressions   are   part   and   parcel   of  a  process   of  folklarization   and objectification of self that are taking place. If non-Western fashion is ineluctably peripheral to Western fashion, must local fashion developments ineluctably play a folklarizing   role  normalizing   self-objectification   of  the  source  of  inspiration?   Is engaged,  ethical  fashion  a possibility  in  response  to  the  current  crisis  of loss  of human  cultures  in  the  way  that  environmentally-friendly   fashion  trends  are  a response to the environmental crisis?

 

SESSION 3B: CRAFT, FASHION AND/OR DESIGN?! The Life of Dress, Mexico Amanda Ericsson

This paper is a summary of a field study made in Mexico during six weeks in October/November 2012. The concept, process and findings from a practical project "The Life of a Dress", containing a participatory design workshop given at a cultural center in Mexico City are presented together with an overview of five Mexican design and slow fashion brands. The brands presented are in different ways exploring alternative product development processes of producing and communicating design, identity   and   heritage   through   combining   new   design   thinking   with   traditional handicraft  manufacturing.  The  handicraft  industry  is  a  vital  part  of  the  Mexican economy and for many families in rural villages it is the main source of income. New products are developed in collaboration with craftsmen and respect are given to the time it takes  to make  the materials  and products  which  are being  made  in close relation to nature. The action research project "The Life of a Dress" is a traveling exhibition presenting a concept of revival of second-hand clothes through visual installations and hands-on workshops adding value to discarded clothes. The group of students which followed the workshop in Mexico City in 2012 created a collection of 50 dresses which were all labeled with a common brand "Hecho en Faro", collaboratively  created  in  the  premises  of  production.  The  project  "The  Life  of  a Dress"  has  been  ongoing  since  2009  and  has  so  far  been  taking  place  in  four different continents (Sweden, Hong Kong, Mozambique and Mexico). The aim of the project is to explore how design, traditional handicraft and waste clothing might be tools for capacity building and/or business development, on a local as well as global level.

 

Built for Niche: Rethinking the Role of Manufacturing  in Developing Designer

Fashion in New Zealand Angela Finn and Amanda Smith

 

The fashion system in New Zealand has strong ties to its northern hemispheric roots, largely  due  to  its  colonial  past.  As  a  result,  local  understandings  of  fashion  and design have been derived from predominant British influences in terms of garment design, aesthetics,  construction  and manufacturing  systems.  This paper examines the appropriateness of continuing to follow these traditional systems as opposed to exploring  more  dynamic  methods  suited  to  the  local  environment  and  culture. Through a discussion of critical and theoretical contexts including Deleuze’s theory of the  ‘production  of  difference’  (Deleuze  1994),  a  global  fashion  economy  and  the disconnection  of  design  from  geography  in  the  virtual  marketplace,  the  authors proposed that there is a significant refocus which needs to happen for New Zealand fashion to reinvent itself as a dynamic and international industry. The rethinking of traditional methods of manufacturing and use of technology offer the best opportunity to act as a driver for innovative design both in terms of process and aesthetics. Knitwear Design in New Zealand is used as a case study to explore the differences and similarities between local design and manufacturing models compared to those in  the  United  Kingdom.   The  argument   is;  adhering  to  traditional   methods  of manufacturing   are  connected  to  reproduction   of  a  particular  traditional  design aesthetic  and  have  prevented  more  experimental  use  of  new  technology:  in  this case,  the  use  of  the  Shima  Seiki  whole  garment  machine  in  the  local  knitwear industry in anything other than a traditional mode. Similarly, the continued focus of traditional  methods  of  garment  construction  could  be  limiting  the  development  of more innovative fashion design. New Zealand does not need to manufacture more clothing but instead should focus on producing high end, distinctive product for an international  niche  market,  a  strategy  that  has  proven  successful  for  other  New Zealand industries, particularly the premium wine and tourism industries.

 

Lost  in  Design:  The  Absence  (Mostly)  of  Cultural  Heritage  in  Puerto  Rican

Fashion Design Raul Vazquez and Jose Blanco F.

 

Some of our past research has explored Puerto Rican dress and fashion through fieldwork, examination of primary sources and content analysis. We have published on the Masks Festival of Hatillo, a Christmas carnival in Puerto Rico where costumes are constructed by covering garments with ruffled pieces of fabric, creating intricate and colorful designs. We have also studied the Puerto Rican jíbaro or mountain peasant—one of the most significant images of Puerto Rican cultural identity— examining a variety of transformations of the romantic image of jíbaro dress (wide- brimmed  straw  hat,  loose  cotton  shirt  and  pants  and  sandals  or  bare  feet)  as  it navigates through time in new geographical and cultural settings. Dress associated with the female jíbaro (a peasant blouse with a low neckline and a full skirt with a headscarf,  sash  and  large  earrings)  has  also  been  appropriated  in  a  variety  of simulacra including a Barbie doll. With this rich cultural heritage in tow we assumed that Puerto Rican fashion designers would take advantage and reference elements from  dress  associated  to  some  of  the  traditions  and  popular  culture  aspects mentioned  above.  We  have  found,  however,  that  the  incorporation  of  national heritage  and  tradition  is  scarce  among  Puerto  Rican  fashion  designers  and  left almost exclusively in the hands of manufacturers of souvenirs who also occasionally incorporate other elements of Puerto Rican cultural heritage such as native Taino imagery, hand-made lace or mundillo, and dress from folkloric dances such as the Bomba and the Plena. It seems that in Puerto Rico—and we venture to say that also in most of Latin America—connecting one’s brand as a designer with recognized symbols of national culture is not a common practice. We believe that this is in part due to the commodification of said national and traditional symbols in the souvenir market.  There  are  also  strong  reactions  coming  from  the  “traditionalists”  when designers  venture to modify an element of something  considered  cultural heritage and use it as a source of inspiration for their collections. This attitude limits the exploration in Puerto Rico, and perhaps most of Latin America, of cultural heritage as a source for design inspiration or branding.

 

SESSION 3C: NEGOTIATING SARTORIAL MODERNITY

 

The Photograph and Fashionable African Men Abby Lillethun

 

Several groups across Africa merge local aesthetics with the Western fashion canon, thus  creating  distinct  fashion  identities.  Such  post-colonial  fashion  reverberates amongst the youths of South Africa and within the Franco-African cultures of Dakar, Senegal,  and  The  Congo.  This  paper  compares  and  examines  their  sartorial identities  as shown  in art photography,  press  coverage,  online  posts  and fashion blogs. The presentation interprets the comportment and dress details of the groups to  further  understand  the  contours  of  each  specific  sense  of  haberdashery  and improvisation in relation to localized and nationally oriented identities. In some cases, these local and national African fashion cultures predate the contemporary explosion of the western fashion system there. Thus, the presentation also traces the history of selected African masculine fashion groups to reveal a temporal arc well beyond the contemporary  context.  The  fashion  practices  of  the  groups  examined  here  occur parallel to or outside of the contemporary African milieu of "fashion centers" where fashion weeks currently proliferate. Instead, the groups addressed partake in self- defined  fashionability  as  they  are  individually  "negotiating  sartorial  modernity,"  as Toby Slade has described the Japanese fashion process. Images examined include those of Finnish photographer and filmmaker Joona Pettersson, who captured local fashion cultures in Benin and Dakar. In The Congo, the sapeurs practice exacting dress regimes. Today their elite club, called La SAPE [Societe des Ambianceurs et des Personnes Elegantes) provides a specific Congolese identity, supported by their Facebook page, which also served as a source for the study. Photographer Daniele Tamagni's  book  of  images  of  Brazzaville's  sapeurs  titled  Gentlemen  of  Bacongo (2009] provided detailed portraits on the street., The Smarties form the final group examined. Self-named  after the Nestle candy, they often use bright colors in their looks. The photographs of Nontsikelelo "Lolo" Veleko that caught The Smaties in the streets of Johannesburg, served as a critical source. Soweto photographs of The Smarties by Scott Schuman, in the blog The Sartorialist (2012), also provided source material.

 

How Did the National Qipao Become the Hottest Trend During the Republic of

China? Liu Yu

 

When we are talking about “Non-Western Fashion” today, Qipao should be a very successful example in China during the first half part of 20th century. As the most typical traditional women’s wear of China, Qipao was always being adjusted and changed to keep the balance between tradition and fashion (Chinese elements and Western trends), during its popular times (from 1920s to 1940s). In this paper, the popular times of Qipao is divided into four periods (1910s, 1920s, 1930s and 1940s) to  trace  its  evolution  and  development.  By  analyzing  on  the  styles,  silhouettes, design details, typical elements and matched accessories of Qipao from these four periods, the reformations and innovations are obtained obviously. Especially by comparing with the main western trendy pieces of the given time, it is focused on what  are  the  similarities  and  differences  between  Qipao  and  the  most  popular women’s fashion. The further research is trying to answer the key question ----how Qipao was adjusted over time to keep up with the steps of the western trends, while still maintain its national style and traditional taste. It is just because of theses wise adjustments that wearing a national traditional dress could become the hottest trend among fashionable women at that time. On the basis of attempting to find the reason why Qipao was so deeply and widely accepted by modern Chinese women during the Republic of China, and why wearing Qipao was not just national, but fashion as well at that time, it is finally aimed to discuss  the advices  on how to transfer  the national to fashionable for today’s “non-western fashion”.

 

Machine-Sewing Traditional Clothing in Tajikistan: National Fashion, Individual

Artistry Miriam J. Woods

 

In today's Tajikistan, custom-made, self-consciously “national” clothes for women are the rule, rather than the exception. Consisting of a long dress or tunic and a matching pair of pants worn underneath, these contemporary and highly popular garments are known locally as libosi milli—national clothing. In this paper, I give an overview of the system  of  creating  and  wearing  “national  clothing”  in  contemporary   Tajikistan, arguing that this clothing's grounding in tradition in no way negates its equally firm location in modernity. Using modern techniques and materials (of which I give a sampling), Tajik designers create clothing that is simultaneously modern, traditional, and highly personalized. I suggest that within this clothing system, tradition-- incorporating  both  religious  and  national  identities--and  fashion  are  inseparable.  I present the work of several female designers from Tajikistan--not famous fashion designers, but women who sew for themselves and their families or for customers who pay the equivalent of a few dollars for their services. I analyze how these artists synthesize multiple aesthetic preferences--national, religious, personal, historical, fashion-conscious--to  create unique garments that situate their wearers firmly within Tajik national identity. This paper is based on my own fieldwork conducted in the summers of 2011, 2012, and 2013, as well as library-based research.

 

 

SESSION 4A: PROBLEMATIZING HEGEMONIC EUROCENTRIC FASHION DISCOURSE

 

Fashioning the Other: Representations of Brazilian Women’s Dress in National

Geographic, 1888-1988 Elizabeth Kutesko

 

As a popular ‘scientific’ journal, National Geographic is a substantial source for the formation  of  many  Brazilian  stereotypes  in  the  19th   and  20th-century  American popular imagination. Analysing how National Geographic divided, organized, charted and narrated Brazil, through its visual and textual representations of Brazilian dress, reveals the oppressive arrangements of race, gender, sexuality and identity that masquerade  as objective knowledge rather than subjective expression.  This paper will apply and develop Mary Louise Pratt’s concept of the ‘contact zone’ to examine National Geographic’s representations  of Brazilian dress and adornment from 1888 to 1988, within the context of the geo-political relations between Brazil and the United States.   Pratt defines ‘contact zones’ as ‘social spaces where cultures meet, clash and grapple  with each other, often in contexts  of highly asymmetrical  relations  of power’. Here we can understand ‘contact’ not as a static, deterministic state but as an intricate and, crucially, continually shifting process of cultural exchange, one that is  characterized  by  conquest  and  colonisation.  Representation  in  such  a  zone emerges  as a complex  cultural  process,  in which  meaning  is not inherent  in the clothing itself, but has been fashioned by National Geographic in response to modulations  in the balance of power between North and South.   Whilst the site of contact  continually  shifts,  the  determining  of  its  outcome  remains  the  same:  the textual and photographic propagation of Western hegemony over the ‘Other’.

 

Creating Identity Outside of the Exposed Body Revital Madar

 

In relation  to the dichotomies  which you have pointed  out, I wish to point out on another  dichotomy,  which  I  see  as  crucial  for  the  understanding  of  the  relation between western and non western fashion, for the understanding of the lack of acceptances  of  non-western  traditions  in  the  west,  while  tradition  as  such  has become such a powerful marketing tool. I want to speak on the dichotomy of covered versus exposed, which in her performance  is the place where the question of the flash, of the bared body is lying on the one hand, while on the other hand, we see the falling fabric, the disappearance of the skin, and the moving away from the body. In current western fashion the place at which the moving away from the body is present is rare. If I was to point out on the reasons for this lack in fashion, of this shift from the contour of the body, towards a more open definition of bodies and clothes, than I was to point out on the need to be commercial, as well as of Islamophobia. A phobia which embraces  the western  and neo-liberal  answer of what it means to be free. While given it a very narrow answer, we can see how hard it has become to find western collections which are not afraid to present a fully covered woman or man, which use fabric to an extent. I wish to talk on the way in which this moving away from the body, which has to do with Islamophobia,  don’t let us think identity  in a broader sense, outside of the exposed body. How attached the west has become to its own body, and how western fashion don’t let go from the body, and at the end makes it less and less possible to meet the truly new design, that which is created in the non-western world, as opposed to that which is inspired by the west. Moreover, I would  like  to  draw  through  the  covered  body  the  relation  between  non-western fashion and fashion at the edge.

 

SESSION 4B: DECONSTRUCTING THE CENTER-PERIPHERY

 

How Do Chinese Fashion Designers Become Global Fashion Leaders? A New

Perspective on Legitimization in China’s Fashion System Tim Lindgren

 

The term fashion system describes inter-relationships between production and consumption, illustrating how the production of fashion is a collective activity. For instance, Yuniya Kawamura (2011) notes systems for the production of fashion differ around the globe and are subject to constant change, and Jennifer Craik (1994, 6) draws attention to an ‘array of competing and intermeshing systems cutting across western  and  non-western  cultures.  In  China,  Shanghai’s  nascent  fashion  system seeks to emulate  the Eurocentric  system  of Fashion  Weeks  and industry  support groups.  It  promises  designers  a  platform  for  global  competition,  yet  there  are tensions from within. Interaction with a fashion system inevitably means becoming validated or legitimised. Legitimisation in turn depends upon gatekeepers who make aesthetic judgments about the status, quality, and cultural value of a designers work (Becker  2008). My paper offers a new perspective  on legitimisation  that is drawn mainly from my PhD research. I argue that some Chinese fashion designers are on the path to becoming global fashion designers because they have embraced a global aesthetic that resonates with the human condition, rather than the manufactured authenticity of a Eurocentric fashion system that perpetuates endless consumption. In this way, they are able to ‘self-legitimise’. I contend these designers are ‘designers for humans’, because they are able to look beyond the mythology of fashion brands, and the Eurocentric  fashion  system,  where they explore the tensions  of man and culture in their practice. Furthermore, their design ethos pursues beauty, truth and harmony in the Chinese philosophical sense, as well as incorporating financial return in  a  process  that  is  still  enacted  through  a  fashion  system.  Accordingly,  cultural tradition,  heritage  and  modernity,  while  still  valuable,  have  less  impact  on  their practice.

References: Becker, H. S. 2008. Art Worlds. Berkely and Los Angeles: University of

California Press; Craik, J. 1994. The Face of Fashion : Cultural Studies in Fashion. London, New York: Routledge; Kawamura, Y. 2011. Doing Research in Fashion and Dress. New York: Berg.

 

 

 

Aso    Asiko    (Fashion    Forwardness):    Yoruba    Traditional    Textiles    and

Contemporary Fashion Aesthetics Eni Bankole-Race

 

This   paper   examines   the   near   invisibility   of   non-western   textiles   in   current mainstream (western) fashion and explores possible reasons for non-adoption of this wealth  of  resources.  It  suggests  some  alternative  models  based  on  the  work  of African designers, such as Ituen Basi. From the intricacy of Madagascan lamba akotofahana,  through strip- woven Kente and Aso-Oke to various configurations  of Adire, traditional African textiles have inspired and been appropriated for centuries. Yet,  like  other  contemporary  non-western  resources,  are  generally  positioned  as “other”, trend or niche. Does this indicate intellectual and imaginative laziness among western designers to incorporate these sensibilities or is it industry ignorance as to their potential in contemporary fashion? Is it the role of “local” designers to interpret and mediate their culture as accessible for the western consumer– with the unsupportable   responsibility   of  protecting   its  integrity?   Even  mainstream   non- western designers rarely “carry their culture” with them, their ethnicity used merely as accent, embellishment or counterpoint to designs western in perspective, rather than built on the versatility of their cultural textile capital. Is it reluctance to expose self and culture to a hypercritical western eye, fear of appearing parochial, unsophisticated, branded exotic and of limited appeal?

Non-western apparel, including textiles, may be considered “anti-fashion” a la Proctor and Polhemus – unchanging, static, moribund. Asakitikpi posits ‘The tradition of aso- ebi serves a number of functions. The first and major one being that it ensures... new and innovative designs are developed’ (A. O. Asakitikpi, Nordic Journal of African Studies 16(1): (2007). We can observe the concept of “Aso Asiko” (“fashion forwardness”)  especially  Aso-ebi  among  the  Yoruba  in  Nigeria,  as  driving  the dynamics of style and design. contemporising traditional textile techniques, provide models which renew precarious  knowledge  in creative contemporary  fashion. This paper will use several visual examples to illustrate recent challenges and invention in this area.

 

Non-Western Dress in the West Linda Welters

 

Over  30  years  ago,  when  I was  beginning  my  dissertation  research,  Mary  Ellen Roach and Kathleen Musa had just published a handbook entitled New Perspectives on  the  History  of  Western  Dress.  In  the  opening  chapter,  the  authors  explained European  folk  dress  as  slow-changing  garb  that  is  bound  to  custom  rather  than constant change as in Western fashionable dress. Therefore, they chose to ‘omit European peasant dress from the definition of Western dress’ along with all dress styles  originating  outside  of  Europe  (Roach  and  Musa,  1980:  3).  The  authors’ position reflects scholarship at the time: they cite François Boucher, who, along with others,  claimed  that  fashion  began  in  fourteenth-century   Europe.  This  position influenced the study of fashion history for decades, and only in recent years have scholars begun to question these maxims. My thinking about my own research has gone  through  similar  changes.  For most  of my career,  I have  studied  Greek  folk dress.  For  a  period  of  twelve  years  in  the  1980s  and  1990s,  I  conducted  field research among elderly villagers who lived within a 150-mile radius of Athens about the dress of their youth. Villagers spoke mostly about the first half of the twentieth century. Although these villagers resided in Western Europe in the country that gave the  world  classical  dress,  the  clothing  they  wore  has  been  categorized  as  non- Western.  In this era  of globalization,  when  localities  around  the world  display  an infinite number of riffs on the fashion process, the notion of changing styles of dress (e.g. ‘fashion’) and its association  with urban Europe needs to be re-examined.  In this paper, I will examine the fashion process as applied to the so-called ‘traditional’ dress of rural Greece in the last century. Key points include the following: (1) clothing systems  in  rural  Greece  were  never  static;  and  (2)  clothing  systems  throughout Greece were localized depending on various factors including ethnicity and location. Reference: Roach, Mary Ellen and Musa, Kathleen Ehle. New Perspectives on the History of Western Dress: A Handbook. New York: NutriGuides, 1980.

 

SESSION 4C: RECLAMING CULTURAL PROPERTY

 

Africas Design Industry: From Creative Pursuits to the Business  of Fashion

Adwoa Agyeman

 

Africa has inspired Western fashion and visual culture for decades. Constant appropriation  of African design and textile ingenuity  by the global fashion industry moves profits abroad and subverts cultural dynamics. However, a new generation of African  designers  has  begun  and  is  gaining  global  recognition  and  pioneering strategies to market and brand fashion concepts grounded in cultural heritage. I will focus on strategies to legitimize, strengthen and protect Africa’s design industry: protecting   intellectual   cultural  property,  and  building  foundational   structures   to support  a  continent-wide  fashion  industry  with  the  capacity  to  grow,  thrive,  and contribute  strategically  to  economic  growth.  My  interdisciplinary  approach  draws upon interviews, Afropolitan media, design blogs, and my own collaborations with entrepreneurs in communities that have emerged as art and design centers in Ghana and Senegal. I analyze global fashion dynamics in terms of connections between the realms of creative design, economics (marketing, patterns of production, market segmentation,  business  development,  and  entrepreneurship),  and  social anthropology (economic and political organization, law, and patterns of consumption and exchange). A more formalized textile and design industry needs to be nurtured to get African products to local, regional, and global consumers. Small- and medium- scale clothing and textile entrepreneurs already contribute to Africa’s economic development,   particularly   in   Nigeria,   South   Africa,   and   Ghana.   To   become competitive,  profitable,  and  sustainable,  the  next  steps  include  developing marketable design content, deepening business processes and mechanisms of mass production,  and  establishing  effective  marketing  and  distribution  channels. Government support to develop and promote cultural industries is vital; relevant strategies need to be consistently  integrated into national development  agendas. I close by looking at emerging best practices from South Africa’s Clothing and Textiles Competitiveness  Programme (CTCP) initiative and African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) among other initiatives, to explore what African designers need to make the jump to standardization and mass production for larger markets.

 

The Origin of ‘Fashion’ in Chinese: Imported or Created? Christine Tsui

 

It is widely regarded that fashion (refers to clothing-fashion / clothing-in-vogue in this context) was firstly started from Europe and then expanded to the rest of the world. This paper aims to study “fashion”  from vocabulary  perspective  to testify  whether China imported the word of “fashion” from the West or actually it existed long before “fashion”  was  imported.  Unlike  Japanese  and  Korean  languages  who  both  adopt directly  the  pronunciation  and  transliteration  form  of  the  English  word  “fashion”, Chinese has its own version of the English word “fashion” - “shi zhuang”, which does not have  any  similarity  with  the  English  word  in form  and  pronunciation,  the  two Chinese characters mean “clothing (zhuang) that fitting for the time (shi)”. The hypothesis  is  Chinese  actually  had  her  own  edition  of  “fashion”  long  before  the Western fashion was introduced to China – “fashion” is not something borrowed from the West. I will use textual analysis to explore all the Chinese characters and vocabularies that are related with “shi zhuang” (fashion) since history and compare the origin and meaning of the words with the English and French edition of “fashion” (since France is widely regarded as where ‘fashion’ started from) to testify whether Chinese created or imported the word of “fashion” from the West.  If Chinese had the word of “fashion” long before the West exported the word and material “fashion” to China  that  means  “fashion”  actually  existed  in  non-Western  countries  before  the West expanded it to the world.

 

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